
Title: View of Richmond from
Church Hill
Source: the Virginia Historical
Society
More informationRichmond, Virginia, was the capital of the
Confederate States of America during the American Civil War (1861–1865). It also served as the capital of Virginia,
although when the city was about to fall to Union armies in April 1865, the governor and General Assembly moved their
offices to Lynchburg for five
days. Besides being the political home of the Confederacy, Richmond was a center of
rail and industry, military hospitals, and prisoner-of-war camps and prisons,
including Belle Isle and Libby Prison. It boasted a
diversified economy that included grain milling and iron manufacturing, with the
keystone of the local economy being the massive Tredegar ironworks. From the start of war,
Confederate citizens flocked to the capital seeking safety and jobs, leading to
periodic civil unrest, manifested most notably in the Bread Riot of April 1863. Because of its economic and
political importance as well as its location near the United States capital, Richmond
became the focus for most of the military campaigns in the war's Eastern Theater. In
a sense, its success—especially in mobilizing, outfitting, and feeding the
Confederate armies—predestined it to near-destruction in 1865. Just as ironic, that
destruction was largely caused by Confederates, although images of the city's ruins
have become iconic representations of the cost of war.

Title: Richmond Grays
Source: the Virginia Historical
Society
More informationLike most Southern cities, Richmond opposed
secession on economic grounds. After all, Richmond's merchants supplied Northern
markets with tobacco; its flour-milling firms dominated trade with South America;
and Tredegar ironworks produced railroad iron and ordnance for the federal
government as well as state governments in the North. Such interests encouraged
moderation in politics. While many states in the Deep South were dominated by the
Democratic Party and its radical, "fire-eater" wing, Richmond and the state of
Virginia had a tradition of healthy political competition between Democrats and
former members of the Whig
Party. (The Whig Party had collapsed by 1856, but its former members in
Virginia were inclined to oppose secession.) People debated secession at length
and, like many across the Upper South, tended to adopt a cooperationist stance.
The term was not meant to imply actual cooperation with the North; rather,
cooperationists resolved to wait for the North to act aggressively first.
The election of Abraham Lincoln as U.S. president in November 1860 was not provocation enough, especially since Republicans failed to gain either house of the U.S. Congress. In the end, what proved too much for Virginians was Lincoln's insistence on resupplying Fort Sumter in Charleston Harbor and his subsequent call, on April 15, 1861, for 75,000 ninety-day volunteers. The Virginia Convention, which had been convened in Richmond since February, finally voted to secede on April 17, 1861. The decision was ratified by a statewide referendum on May 23.

Title: Capitol of Virginia
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division
More informationWord of Virginia's secession produced
jubilation in Richmond. There were torchlight parades, fulsome speeches, and the
mobilization of local guard units. There was also talk of moving the Confederate
capital, then in Montgomery, Alabama, to Richmond. Even before secession, the idea
had been suggested by Confederate vice president Alexander Stephens of Georgia as
a way of luring hesitating Virginians into the Confederacy. Now that they had
joined, the government of Confederate president Jefferson Davis, in consultation with officials
in Richmond, moved quickly to relocate the capital.
The move made sense for symbolic, economic, and military reasons. From its
inception, Richmond bore the imprimatur of revolution: Patrick Henry thundered "Give me liberty or give
me death!" at St. John's Church, and Thomas Jefferson designed the Capitol building. On a more
practical level, Richmond was the South's leading industrial city, an important
transportation hub, and source of agricultural resources. Virginia, meanwhile, was
the richest in natural resources and most populous state in the South and boasted
the region's largest rail network, as well as a mixed 
Title: Richmond as Confederate
Capital
Source: the Library of Congress,
Geography and Map Division
More informationagricultural economy. Although Richmond's proximity to Washington,
D.C., was hazardous strategically, Virginia's topography—the Appalachian Mountains
and rivers, such as the James
and Rappahannock, that flowed east to west—served as a natural defense against
invasion.
As it happened, those defenses would be sorely tested. Relocating the Confederate capital to a city just a hundred miles from the United States capital caused much consternation in Washington. "On to Richmond" became the rallying cry for the first three years of the war, as the Army of the Potomac attacked the capital from the north, the east, and the south. After being routed at the First Battle of Manassas on July 21, 1861, Union troops marched up the York Peninsula to within four miles of Richmond before being turned away by General Robert E. Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia at the Seven Days' Battles in June 1862. Indeed, Lee drove Major General George B. McClellan's army all the way to the outskirts of Washington, allowing Richmond's industry the room to thrive.
![Title: Tredegar Ironworks
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
04035] Title: Tredegar Ironworks
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
04035]](http://web3.encyclopediavirginia.org/resourcespace/filestore/1/2/6/7_047c38b48721c6d/1267thm_dbf058e5c21c32b.jpg?v=2011-11-14+15%3A42%3A08)
Title: Tredegar Ironworks
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
04035]
More informationTobacco manufacturing and flour milling
had dominated Richmond's antebellum economy, but Confederate authorities were most
interested in Tredegar ironworks. Established in 1837, Tredegar assumed regional
and national prominence under the aegis of West Point–trained Joseph R. Anderson. Anderson
expanded the works and obtained lucrative contracts in both the North and the
South, with the firm manufacturing everything from armor plates to artillery
pieces. By 1860, Joseph R. Anderson and Company, as Tredegar was officially called
during the war, was the largest enterprise of its kind in the region and stood
ready to arm and equip the Confederate military for four years.
The Confederate government relied on Tredegar and a number of smaller local firms to manufacture everything from heavy ordnance and iron cladding for naval vessels to buttons and bullets. In 1864, Ordnance Bureau chief Josiah Gorgas noted that the Confederacy had become self-sufficient in the production of war matériel. This was remarkable considering that in 1860, the future states of the Confederacy had accounted for only 16 percent of the nation's capital invested in manufacturing. Such an economic turnaround was largely due to the output of Richmond's manufactories and especially the Tredegar ironworks.

Title: Confederate Cartridge
Packages
Source: The Museum of the Confederacy
Richmond, Virginia.
Photography by Alan Thompson
More informationStill, problems plagued Tredegar. On March
13, 1863—it happened to have been Friday the 13th—an explosion at the Confederate
States ordnance laboratory on Brown's Island killed more than sixty young women
and children and briefly halted production. Two months later, a fire at the
neighboring Crenshaw mills spread to some of the Tredegar's machine shops,
destroying them. Labor shortages also proved to be an issue. Anderson had always
augmented his labor force with slaves, but as demand increased and the needs for
manpower stripped factories of work details, he was forced to rely even more
heavily on slave labor to keep the works in operation. Coal and iron from forges
in the Shenandoah
Valley were critical to the Tredegar's operations, but Union cavalry
raids in 1863 and 1864 proved disastrous to those operations and further crippled
the works' ability to supply Confederate armies.

Title: Map of Richmond,
Virginia 1863
Source: Virginia Historical Society,
Robert Knox Sneden Diary
(Mss5:1 Sn237:1)
More informationAs soon as the war started, the population
of Richmond began to swell. In addition to laborers and bureaucrats, refugees, spies, Confederate soldiers,
journeymen, and less savory sorts, including prostitutes, gamblers, and
speculators, all poured into the capital. By the summer of 1861, locals believed
the city had become one vast armed camp; others argued the city was little
different from the wicked biblical city of Sodom. In 1860, Richmond had almost
38,000 residents, including 11,739 slaves. Although no census was taken during the
war, city officials estimated the population grew to more than 100,000 by 1863;
some believed between 130,000 and 150,000 people crammed the capital by 1865.
This huge increase in population had severe consequences. The local police force was small and could not contain the crime wave that plagued the city until the war's end. Even after Confederate general John H. Winder took day-to-day control of the city beginning in February 1862, gambling dens and houses of prostitution flourished, while rival juvenile gangs threatened locals with petty larceny and assault. Accommodations were limited and according to some, abysmal. Nonetheless, they commanded high rents; it was not unusual to see several families living in cramped, unheated spaces. Epidemics of smallpox and other diseases threatened the city late in 1862 and in 1863. Food and fuel became scarce, especially as the armies battled on prime farmland in the Virginia Piedmont and the Shenandoah Valley. Shortages of consumer goods and a worthless paper currency created unheard-of levels of inflation. Indeed, by 1863, prices in Richmond were 700 percent higher than they had been in 1861.

Title: Richmond Bread Riot
Source: The Museum of the Confederacy,
Richmond, Virginia
More information Overcrowding and inflation hit the
laboring classes especially hard. Although wages rose throughout the period, they
could not keep pace with the rising cost of consumer goods. This situation created
a social powder keg that finally exploded on April 2, 1863, with the Richmond
Bread Riot. "Celebrating" their right to live, working women, many of whom were
employed by the city's government bureaus and factories, marched to the Executive
Mansion seeking a meeting with Virginia governor John L. Letcher. Angered by his rebuff, the crowd
surged into the business district, attracting hundreds of others along the way.
Plunder and mob violence roiled the city for two hours until the threat of
artillery dispersed the mob. Nonetheless, the Bread Riot sobered local and
Confederate officials and underscored how desperate some in the city had
become.

Title: Moore Hospital
Source: Valentine Richmond History
Center
More informationAdding to the city's burdens was the
constant arrival of sick and wounded
soldiers. Richmond reveled in military victories at Manassas in 1861 and
during the Seven Days in 1862, but those successes produced massive casualties
that threatened to overwhelm the capital. The situation only grew worse as the
campaigns of 1863 and 1864 again centered on the Confederate capital. Initially,
locals opened their private dwellings and individual Confederate states operated
"wayside homes" to tend to the sick and wounded. The Confederate Congress
implemented legislation in the autumn of 1861 that standardized the hospital
system and put it under the control of the Confederate Medical Department. The
city's Chimborazo
Hospital, located on a hill east of the business district, became the
largest in the Confederacy while also boasting one of the lowest mortality rates
among hospitals in the Union and the ![Title: Sally Louisa Tompkins
Source: Virginia Historical Society
[2002.686.5] Title: Sally Louisa Tompkins
Source: Virginia Historical Society
[2002.686.5]](http://web3.encyclopediavirginia.org/resourcespace/filestore/1/1/0/9_0f36d5dd2aec8de/1109thm_9660cc53186d715.jpg?v=2011-11-14+15%3A31%3A18)
Title: Sally Louisa Tompkins
Source: Virginia Historical Society
[2002.686.5]
More informationConfederacy. At Chimborazo alone, nearly 78,000 patients were treated during the
course of the war.
One hospital managed to avoid the Confederate government's centralization efforts. Sally Tompkins convinced wealthy Richmonder Judge John Robertson to allow her to operate a hospital out of his home while he moved to a safer area in the Shenandoah Valley. Robertson Hospital could care for only a hundred patients at a time but was also able to provide them with more personal attention than they might receive elsewhere. "Then men under Miss Sally's kind care look so clean and comfortable. Cheerful, one might say," the diarist Mary Boykin Chesnut wrote. The hospital's success prompted Jefferson Davis to commission Tompkins a captain in the Confederate cavalry, which allowed her to escape the Medical Department's purview. She continued to operate her hospital until the end of the war.
Tompkins was not the only white woman who actively worked for the Confederate
cause in Richmond. Other women
filled key positions in the Treasury Department, the 
Title: Women in the
Confederate Treasury
Source: The Museum of the Confederacy,
Richmond, Virginia
More informationOrdnance Department, the Quartermaster Department, and the
Confederate commissary. Women sewed uniforms, made percussion caps, and signed
currency, all for wages and in support of the Confederate cause. In most
instances, white women were forced to labor in the capital's factories and bureaus
because their husbands, fathers, and sons—the breadwinners—were off fighting for
the Confederacy.
Not all of Richmond's women were as dedicated to the Confederacy. Elizabeth Van Lew and her mother were staunch Unionists. Indeed, Union generals Benjamin F. Butler and Ulysses S. Grant deemed the information the younger Van Lew provided them as critical to the 1864 campaigns. In recognition of that assistance, Grant, as U.S. president, appointed her postmaster of the city after the war.
Scholars debate the impact women's work exerted on gender roles; many assert the effect was short-lived and ended with the advent of peace. Nevertheless, locals, visitors, and news correspondents commented repeatedly on how many women had entered the work force. Given the high number of casualties and disabilities the war produced, one wonders if Confederate women could, indeed, return to solely the domestic sphere. With a quarter of the white male population dead, many women had no choice but to continue working to support their families.

Title: "Servants and Slaves in
the White House of the
Confederacy"
Source: The Museum of the
Confederacy Richmond,
Virginia.
More informationThe war had a significant
impact on Richmond's slave
population. During the antebellum period, the city's enslaved men and women often
had enjoyed freedoms common to urban slaves, including the freedom to live
independently and "hire their own time," or choose their own employers, make their
own work arrangements, and pay their masters a set annual fee in exchange for
these privileges. Whether they worked in industrial or household settings, many of
Richmond's slaves had gained this autonomy before the war began, and often lived
and socialized with free
blacks as well as other slaves. But when Virginia seceded, Richmond
officials feared that the city's slaves would take advantage of the chaos of war
and their measured autonomy to plan a rebellion. They passed new ordinances
prohibiting slaves from living independently of their masters, shut down many of
the city's informal hiring markets, and instituted a stringent pass system to
restrict slaves' movements around the city.
As the war progressed, however, the feared slave rebellion never materialized, and the city's leaders began to relax some of their limitations on the slave population. In part this was due to necessity, as slave labor was absolutely crucial to the success of the Confederate war effort. Male slaves with industrial skills found their labor in particularly high demand, and could often command relatively high wages. In addition, the Confederate War Department hired thousands of black men to work in the government warehouses, tanning yards, and hospitals that soon filled the city; black women also routinely found employment in government hospitals as laundresses and cooks. By the end of 1862, the government hired more of Richmond's slaves than any other employer; unlike those employed by private companies, the slaves working in government jobs had little power to negotiate payments or living conditions. The War Department and the city council also routinely forced male slaves to dig trenches and build fortifications outside the city.
![Title: First African Baptist
Church
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
02904] Title: First African Baptist
Church
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
02904]](http://web3.encyclopediavirginia.org/resourcespace/filestore/5/6/1_a8a091fd67e4d07/561thm_81a0243cb1b9357.jpg?v=2011-11-14+15%3A02%3A18)
Title: First African Baptist
Church
Source: Library of Congress Prints &
Photographs Division [cwpb
02904]
More informationIf the war brought some work opportunities
to Richmond's slaves, it also brought increased competition for available jobs,
especially among household servants. As refugee families poured into Richmond from
the Virginia countryside, the city's slave population increased dramatically. In
addition, prices for housing and basic commodities skyrocketed during the last two
years of the war, forcing many Richmond families to make cuts in the number of
household servants they hired, or to hire only slaves without children.
In June 1865, Richmond's black residents held a meeting at the First African Baptist Church and drafted a document demanding that the U.S. government grant former slaves all the rights of citizens, including the right to vote. The church's membership had swelled dramatically during the war, and thousands of people attended services there each week. The wartime growth of First African Baptist Church, and its political engagement in the early Reconstruction years, demonstrated that, while Richmond's officials had restricted the mobility and autonomy of the city's slaves throughout the war, they had ultimately failed to deter the city's black residents from pursuing their own political, economic, and cultural independence.

Title: Call to Arms in
Richmond
Source: the Library of Virginia
More informationConfederate military fortunes waxed and
then waned in 1863 and 1864. The ninth "On to Richmond" campaign culminated in the
overwhelming Confederate victory at Chancellorsville in May 1863. But
following on the heels of that battle came twin Confederate debacles at Vicksburg,
Mississippi, and Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. When Grant was appointed general-in-chief of
Union armies after Gettysburg, he determined to follow Lincoln's directions to
target Robert E. Lee and the Army of Northern Virginia and not the Confederate
capital. Yet Richmond necessarily loomed large because Lee determined to defend
it: it was his logistical lifeline.
The Overland Campaign of 1864 was launched in the Wilderness and quickly became a slugfest in the woods. Lee inflicted horrific casualties, but Grant relentlessly continued his attack. By June, the campaign had settled into a siege at Richmond's backdoor—the city of Petersburg. As Lee and many Confederates knew, it was only matter of time before he must abandon the capital or be encircled by the Union juggernaut.
As the Confederate lines grew thinner and thinner during the nine-and-a-half-month siege, people in Richmond faced the real possibility of starvation. On March 25, 1865, Lee tried to break through Grant's lines, only to be repulsed. Just days later, Grant launched an all-out assault on Lee's army. Lee was forced to notify President Davis on April 2, 1865, that Richmond had to be evacuated.

Title: The Fall of Richmond
Source: the Virginia Historical
Society
More informationThe evacuation of Richmond remains a
controversial topic because the officers in command disagreed over who gave the
orders to torch stockpiles of supplies within the city. Throughout the war when
the city was threatened, locals had vowed to destroy anything of value to keep it
from the hands of Union forces. Confederate and city officials, however, worried
that such destruction could not be contained and that it might spread to
residential areas and endanger civilians.
Their fears became reality when Confederate army officials did, in fact, set fire
to the tobacco warehouses. A fierce wind fanned the flames and allowed them to
spread quickly. Local officials added to the chaos when they broke open stockpiled
barrels of whiskey. As the army and Confederate leadership withdrew, mobs seized
control. Rioting and plunder became the rule of the day as local citizens attacked
government warehouses, seized food and other articles, and scooped up liquor as it
coursed through the streets. The fires succeeded in burning down portions of the
business district, but the residential neighborhoods were spared. One historian
estimates that only 10 percent of the city was actually consumed by the fires. The

Title: Burned District in
Richmond
Source: the Library of Virginia
More informationTredegar ironworks survived the
evacuation fires only because Anderson deployed the Tredegar Battalion to protect
it from the angry hordes.
The Union army that occupied Richmond and extinguished the fire found burned-out buildings and homeless women and children. Photographers captured the destruction and provided Northern audiences with picture after picture of the ruins in the Confederate capital. Many soldiers and other visitors remarked on the numbers of people dressed in mourning attire. Hunger forced many Richmonders to queue up on Capitol Square to receive provisions from their occupiers. A week after the city fell, on Palm Sunday, April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered his gaunt army to Grant at Appomattox Court House.
In many respects, Richmond's success in mobilizing and outfitting the Confederacy's armies predestined its demise, because the city remained a powerful symbolic target until the very end. Its ability to supply the Confederate military for four years transformed a symbol of rebellion into a bona fide military target. In a conflict marked by irony, perhaps none is as profound as an agrarian region becoming capable of fighting a total war for four years.
First published: June 12, 2009 | Last modified: March 29, 2011
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